Executiveo Mansion, Washington, April 4, 1864,
G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.
My Dear Sir:
You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows:
I am naturally anti-slavery. I slavery
wrong nothing is wrong.
remember
not so think
foel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted
right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of f United States. I could not take the office without
taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power.
I understood, too, that it ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade
practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and
in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best
of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve
the Constitution?
By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save
wisely given to save: limb. elt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become
lawful by becoming indispensable
preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed: s ground, and
avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability!
had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, save slavery,
minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogother.
When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War,
suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet
indispensable necessity had come. When, In March and May and July, 1862,
made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States t
ompensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity
for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted b
measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union,
and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. 1 chose the latter. I
choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln
Use context to determine the meaning of the phrase in bold.
O I have ascertained that
O I can confirm that
O I will instruct you that
hope to learn that